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[page 190]
Heather A. Beasley
Blasphemy, Parody, and Running Commentary:
Roman Catholicism and the Work of Karen Finley
Karen
Finley's intensely political, deeply personal art has scandalized the
National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) and won her awards ranging from
two Bessie Awards to a MacArthur Fellowship, while attracting the attention
of politicians, scholars, and critics. Finley's career has survived
a national furor over censorship, obscenity, community standards, and
taxpayer funding for the arts. Yet, for all the writing that has addressed
the vitality of her art and the raw, challenging subjects she takes
on, relatively little has been written about her experiences with Roman
Catholicism and its presence in her work. While Finley herself has written
short autobiographical pieces touching on her Catholic upbringing, and
mentioned it briefly in a few interviews, the analysis and scholarship
surrounding her work is missing this crucial element of her identity
in its interpretative strategies. This article rectifies that omission
by discussing several of her works in light of her Roman Catholic experiences,
her rebellion against the church's concepts of sexuality and womanhood,
and her creation of new performative rituals.
Born
in Chicago in 1956, Finley was raised by her mother, a political activist,
and father, a jazz musician; she was the oldest of six children. Her
father's family was Scottish and Irish Catholic, while her mother was
raised Catholic by family members who had converted from German Judaism.
Her recollections of her early experiences with Catholicism included
two years spent in Catholic school, in second and third grade: "I
went to Catholic school for a couple years and it was fairly liberal
and progressive."(1) As previously discussed, there was Catholic
history on both sides of her family, although she mentioned that her
family was also part Gypsy and had incorporated some of their ritual
practices and superstitions as well. She described [page
191] being exposed to a variety of religions, stating, "There
wasn't really a Catholic constancy in my life."(2)
Does
this lack of Catholic constancy, or of active religious practice, mean
that it is inappropriate to examine Finley's work against the backdrop
of Roman Catholicism? Art critic Eleanor Heartney thinks not; she suggests,
With few exceptions, contemporary artists marked
by Catholicism are not necessarily practicing Catholics. However,
their imaginations have been shaped by their Catholic training. [.
. .] Often, the power of their work comes from their personal struggles
with the visual and philosophic seductions of Catholicism and its
contradictory messages about sexuality, personal freedom, and social
justice.(3)
As
Finley herself reflected in our 2002 interview, "It [Catholicism]
obviously shaped me. [. . .] Everyone seems to know that language, and
that's where it's useful for me for people to be able to relate to it.
It's shared information so I appropriate, I exploit it."(4) Clearly,
Finley would never define herself as a "Catholic artist;"
however, she considers herself fluent enough in the language of Catholicism
to use it to achieve her various goals. Thus, an analysis of how, when,
and why she chooses to use Catholic language, symbols, and rituals in
her work is appropriate.
Finley
became part of the Chicago Art Institute's Young Artist Studio program
in 1968 at the age of 12, where she became fascinated with the idea
of privileging process instead of product. Her subsequent education
emphasized studio arts; she received her MFA, with a focus in painting,
from San Francisco Arts Institute in 1981.
[page
192] She left San Francisco for Chicago, where she created
visual artworks and performed in various clubs until 1983. Finley then
moved to New York City and began performing in East Village performance
art venues like PS 122, Franklin Furnace, WOW, and the Cat Club. These
venues became legendary in performance circles for the showcases they
provided for women performers like Finley, Deb Margolin, Holly Hughes,
and the Split Britches troupe. Finley also worked in nightclubs such
as the Danceteria and the Limbo Lounge, performing brief monologues
which she later evolved into a longer collection of character sketches
titled I'm an Ass Man. These non-traditional spaces for performance
attracted audiences whose reactions toward cabaret performers ranged
from partial interest to complete indifference to open hostility, which
led Finley to develop confrontational tactics for holding their attention
that became trademarks of her later work.
In
December 1986, Finley's first major solo performance, The Constant
State of Desire, premiered at the Kitchen. This work won her a Bessie
Award; it later toured across the U.S. and Europe, and excerpts from
the performance text were published in The Drama Review (Spring
1988) and anthologized in Out From Under: texts by women performance
artists (1990). Other major performance works include We Keep
Our Victims Ready (1990), A Certain Level of Denial (1992),
The American Chestnut (1996), and Shut Up and Love Me
(2001). Finley is also a prolific writer, with several collections of
her performances and visual artworks in print. These books include Shock
Treatment (1990), Living It Up (1996), Pooh Unplugged:
A Parody (1999), and A Different Kind of Intimacy: the Collected
Writings of Karen Finley (2001).
Given
the body of scholarship that already exists surrounding Finley's work,
I will focus not only on her well-known performances, but also visual
aspects of various gallery installations and lesser-known performances,
in relation to the following questions: What are the specific performative
tactics Finley chooses to convey her messages? How does Finley attempt
to redefine and explore old rituals, or create new ones, through her
performances and installations? How have these tactics worked in relation
to her audiences and the public? Answering these questions will add
a new dimension to the scholarship considering her career. Finley's
relationship to Roman Catholic visual and emotional culture will emerge
through [page 193] juxtaposition
of her writings with those of theorists, critics, and theologians, and
examination of Catholic cultural touchstones that are evoked by (and
sometimes central to) her work.
Early Performance Tactics: I'm
an Ass Man
Much
critical analysis(5) debates the sexual content and graphic imagery
in Finley's works, specifically in her two best-known pieces The
Constant State of Desire and We Keep Our Victims Ready (the
performance at the center of the 1990's NEA debates). The performative
strategies and subject matter of her earliest pieces make it clear that
certain specific themes and strategies at the center of later controversy
were present in her work from its beginning.
I'm
an Ass Man (1984) contained a collection of characters in scenarios
that challenged even the most jaded New Yorker. The title piece was
performed in the voice of a man about to rape a woman on the subway,
when he stops because he discovers she is menstruating. Other sections
included "Mr. Hirsch," in the voice of a small girl who is
forced to perform oral sex on her friend's father, and "Yams Up
My Granny's Ass," in the voice of a drug addict who celebrates
Thanksgiving by abusing his senile grandmother. Even without quoting
passages at length, the sexual taboos Finley was putting onstagemenstruation,
rape, pedophilia, elder abuseshocked, confused, and angered audience
members. Her subjects were off-limits in polite conversation, their
activities the kind "nice" people did not ever speak of. She
chose her subject materials not solely for their shock value, but as
a way to take the subject of violence against women and discuss it publicly.
The
controversial nature of Finley's work sometimes led audiences and critics
to overlook her message, and to focus instead on her performance techniques.
These included performing naked and smearing her body with various types
of food to represent blood, semen, and other bodily fluids. The shock
tactics she used to enthrall the crowds and her work on taboo sexual
subjects led to a new level of fame. In June 1986, Village Voice
critic C. Carr chose Finley as the [page 194]
subject of a cover story, titled "Unspeakable Practices,
Unnatural Acts: The Taboo Art of Karen Finley." This article and
others brought Finley to the attention of the international art community,
and she began getting offers to perform abroad and bring her work to
new audiences. Carr's review made it clear that Finley's relationship
with her audiences was already an uneasy one, describing her performance
of I'm an Ass Man as "both fascinating and horrifying to
behold, because audiences can't help but recognize their own most mortifying
obsessions in the fast-flowing bile. Finley rivets, but she doesn't
entertain."(6) The aesthetic tensions of Finley's performer-audience
relationship were already established, as were several performance techniques
that would soon make her both famous and infamous.
First,
portraying both victims and aggressors is a technique that challenges
Finley's audiences to face their own preconceptions about the issues
she addresses. This strategy gives Finley the opportunity to emotionally
involve her audience while raising difficult questions about the nature
of blame, the center of the issues she is concerned with, and the deeply
internalized nature of violence in American society. Her victims often
blame themselves, while her perpetrators rarely challenge their own
actions, leaving her audiences asking deeply important questions about
societal reactions to crimes against women, children, and homosexuals.
Finley raises these questions without spoon-feeding easily palatable
answers, leaving her audiences to struggle with possible disjunctures
between their beliefs and the realities of violence.
Second,
direct address to her audience enables Finley to immediately engage
and sometimes enrage her spectators. Audience members are often placed
in the position of the attacker while Finley screams, "How could
you do this to me?" or accuses, "I'm never enough for you."
She embodies a variety of characters, and places the audience in various
relationships to those characters throughout the course of any full-length
performance. However, the performances for which she has been most lionized
by her supporters, and villified by her critics, involve this dangerous
relationship established through direct address. By holding the [page
195] audience accountable for the suffering she describes,
Finley pushes her way into their consciousness and asks them to confront
their own complicity.
Finally,
nudity as a performative strategy has also been ever-present in Finley's
work. Finley's use of nudity has exposed her vulnerability, her humanity,
and her womanhood. I argue that Finley's calculated use of nudity was
a conscious artistic technique, meant for more than initial attention-grabbing.
In order for her work to transcend commonplace exhibitionism, Finley
had to connect the use of nudity to her overall performative purposes.
Her usual technique was to combine her own nudity with a symbolic covering
of some sort, generally a type of food (yams, chocolate, raw eggs) as
a visual symbol for the degradation her characters were suffering. In
"Mr. Hirsch," for example, she used ice-cream sandwiches,
squeezing them tightly at the end of the monologue to represent the
neighbor's ejaculation onto the nine-year-old speaker. This tactic recurred
in several of her later works.
Individuals' Rights and National Controversy:
We Keep Our Victims Ready
Finley's
work directly concerns oppression of individual rights and the activism
necessary to end such oppression. At the core of her work is a crusade
against homophobia and sexism; these two issues surface repeatedly in
all of her major works, including the performance at the heart of the
NEA controversy, We Keep Our Victims Ready (1990).(7)
We
Keep Our Victims Ready is a stark, openly political work. Like Finley's
other performances, it is a collection of monologues, this time loosely
connected around the central theme of popular culture's ideas of victimization.
While We Keep Our Victims Ready is perhaps her most famous work,
and definitely her most controversial, its openly political nature involves
religious symbolism only peripherally in the performance text itself.
When examining [page 196] an artist's
career in the light of religious experience, it is crucial to remember
that religion is only one factor in a complex web of materials that
artists draw on to create their work. However, religion became inextricably
entwined with the controversy surrounding the performance, as the national
argument over whether her works violated standards of decency was rooted
largely in a conservative Christian value set. Religion and art analysis
intersect at the point of audience reception of a performance, as well
as within the process of artistic creation; audience members bring their
own cultural baggage to interpretation of a work, and that baggage may
include religious beliefs and practices. The consequences of the NEA
trials also colored Finley's later work. In a 1990 interview for Paper,
she described how the religious and political pressures expressed in
the media were changing the way she created art:
There is also this sense of self-censorship in
terms of knowing what you're going to create and how it's going to
be looked at.[. . .] there's still the situation that you think, oh
wow, when you go and write this it's going to be looked at in this
different lightit's either blasphemy or sacrilegious or obscene.
So you're carrying that, and now I always have that thought process
when I'm creating work. That just always affects you.(8)
We
Keep Our Victims Ready is a necessary inclusion in any critique
of Finley's body of work, and already has a considerable amount of surrounding
critical literature; this project adds a consideration of the conservative
religious right's interactions with Finley as a result of the NEA court
cases.
A
brief look at one section of the performance will illustrate how it
became the center of national controversy. In 1987, the Tawana Brawley
case focused national media attention on a young black woman who had
been discovered in a garbage bag, naked, and covered in human feces.
She accused three white police officers of raping her; the case was
later thrown out of court when her evidence was found to be fabricated.
Finley was obsessed with the images of this court case, which she eventually
used as material for "Can this veal calf walk?" a short [page
197] monologue which later became the centerpiece of We
Keep Our Victims Ready. Finley recalls the symbolism underlying
her choices for the materials in which she covered her naked body:
I decided to use chocolate. It looked like shit.
And I liked the idea of chocolate's history, its association with
love. . . . I smeared my body with chocolate, because, I said in the
piece, I'm a woman, and women are usually treated like shit. Then
I covered myself with red candy heartsbecause, "after a
woman is treated like shit, she becomes more lovable." After
the hearts, I covered myself with bean sprouts, which smelled like
semen and looked like semenbecause, after a woman is treated
like shit and loved for it, she is jacked off on. Then I spread tinsel
all over my body, like a Cher dressbecause, no matter how badly
a woman has been treated, she'll still get it together to dress for
dinner.(9)
This
particular performative use of nudity in combination with foodstuffs
would lead to the rescinding of Finley's NEA grant in the summer of
1990. This piece became the source of her nickname, "the chocolate-smeared
woman," in the conservative press; certain members of the public(10)
clearly interpreted her performance choices differently than with the
symbolic meanings she described.
Critic
Stephen Holden, after seeing We Keep Our Victims Ready at Lincoln
Center, added to the debate by giving a specific reading of the symbolism
of "Can this veal calf walk?" in his review:
It is during the second act, on a kitchen set,
that Ms. Finley strips to her panties and smears chocolate over her
body from the neck down. Not a comic or sexual gesture, this ritual
signifies the mortification of the body by a psychically battered
[page 198] character whose self-image
is so damaged that she thinks of herself as nothing more than excrement.(11)
Marcelle
Clements interviewed her the same day that the NEA made the grant rejection
announcements. It was too soon to know how the label of "obscenity"
would affect Finley's work and audience reactions to it, but Clements
raised the questions on many people's minds in her story on We Keep
Our Victims Ready:
Her work is nearly always shocking and invariably
- some would say relentlessly - political. It is also sometimes humorous
and often fearsome. Her beat is the intolerable. Should public money
pay for the expression of the intolerable? Should the intolerable
be censored?(12)
In
the end, the answers to Clements' questions were "No" and
"Yes." The rescinding of Finley's grant marked the beginning
of eight nightmarish years of First-Amendment-related court cases. A
brief review of the legal, political, and artistic history surrounding
the trials is essential to understanding the central issues at hand,
as well as their ramifications in Finley's later work.
In
1989, Congress took the NEA to task for providing grant monies to photographer
Robert Mapplethorpe and visual artist Andres Serrano, claiming that
their works were obscene. Several bills appeared on the House floor
seeking to put tighter controls on the types of art the NEA could fund,
including the Rohrabacher Amendment, which would have introduced a prohibition
on awarding any grant used to "promote, distribute, disseminate,
or produce matter that has the purpose or effect of denigrating the
beliefs, tenets, or objects of a particular religion."(13) This
bill hinted at the religious roots of conservatives' opposition to the
[page 199] controversial grants
in question; it failed, but a compromise bill authored by Representative
Paul Henry and Senator Jesse Helms (and sponsored by Representatives
Pat Williams and Thomas Coleman) passed in 1990. The Williams/Coleman
Amendment added a "decency clause" to the NEA charter, requiring
all works receiving grants to meet "general standards of decency
and respect for the diverse beliefs and values of the American public."(14)
Meanwhile, Finley and three other artists (Tim Miller, John Fleck, and
Holly Hughes) had received preliminary approval of their Performance
Artist grant applications by an NEA panel, but this approval was reversed
by the NEA Council four months before the decency clause was officially
implemented in November 1990. The artists, believing their grants had
been denied because of the decency standards and the prevailing political
climate, sued the NEA in 1992 seeking reinstatement of their grants,
and attempting to overturn the decency clause as unconstitutional because
of vagueness and violation of the First Amendment. The California Ninth
District Court reinstated their grants and found the clause to be unconstitutional.
The artists' grants were reinstated, but the section of the case pertaining
to the decency clause was appealed several times, and finally reached
the U.S. Supreme Court in 1998. In June of that year, the judges voted
8-1 against the artists, upholding the decency clause and thus instituting
new possibilities of censorship over the works selected for future funding.
One
of the cases the Supreme Court majority opinion cited was Rosenburger
v. Rector (1995), which reinstated state university funding for
a Christian student newspaper at the University of Virginia on the basis
that its denial "would risk fostering a pervasive bias or hostility
to religion."(15) The Court opinion then differentiates between
unlawful discrimination based on religion, such as that in Rosenburger,
and selection of winners of open competition, such as that for NEA grants.
The majority opinion stated that the definition of "decency"
is left up to NEA selection panel members, and that the NEA is thus
not discriminatory against any particular kind of speech by mandate
of the decency clause.(16)
[page
200] Some religious conservatives rejoiced at the Supreme
Court decision. Michael W. McConnell, in his analysis of the case, suggested
that "It is impossible to imagine a 'viewpoint' that would be excluded
by the standards of 'decency' and 'respect for diverse opinions.' Even
the viewpoint that one should be indecent or disrespectful can be expressed
decently and with respect for the sensibilities of others."(17)
He also accused Justice Souter, the sole dissenter, of falling "for
the idea that the 'arts community' should tap public funds but have
no public responsibility."(18) While the conservative press celebrated
the decision as a victory, the mainstream media reinforced the stereotypical
links between religion and political conservatism. For example, nationally
syndicated columnist Alice Thorson decried the Court's decision:
A not unimportant dimension of these public-funded
art controversies is their role as lightning rod for the country's
philistinism, Puritanism, religion-based intolerance and stultifying
ignorance about art's role in shaping culture. Sometimes the way contemporary
artists go about it is not very pretty, or downright offensive to
some. But the aims of their art are quite different from those of
the great art of the past commissioned by the church, the monarchy
and the nobility, which is the art that contemporary art-bashers invariably
hold up as a standard.(19)
Through
use of phrases like "religion-based intolerance," Thorson
implicates all religious practitioners without questioning precisely
whose religions and which practitioners are actively intolerant. Such
criticism, while masquerading as liberal, actually reinforces false
and divisive overgeneralizations about religion and religious practitioners.
Her reference to "great art of the past commissioned by the church,"
for example, is most likely to refer to the Roman Catholic Church's
patronage of arts during the Italian Renaissance (since that was the
last time the [page 201] phrase
"the church" referred to a single religious entity). However,
the original authors of the Congressional "decency clause"
language were both Protestant: Jesse Helms is a Baptist, and Paul Henry
was an evangelical Christian of the Christian Reformed sect.(20) Specificity
thus becomes crucial to arts criticism in relation to religion, because
critics otherwise run the risk of alienating arts advocates whose religious
views do not result in intolerance.
Critics
also noted that the debates over arts funding in the 1990's occurred
primarily between the cultural elite and the conservative elite, and
the larger battle was over who had the right to define the public and
speak for them. Finley's performance style was catalogued and criticized
for appropriating the voices of the disenfranchised without doing anything
to empower them. Grant Kester argued that, unlike Finley, true public
artists must work "not as the shock therapists of some imaginary
middle class, but as collaborators and participants in the daily struggles
of life under an increasingly oppressive and divisive economic regime."(21)
His critique pointed to a larger cultural shift away from individual,
political performance art in the late 1990's; as government monies allotted
to the NEA dwindled, economic concerns played ever larger roles in deciding
whose artworks would be publicly shown. The Whitney Museum cancelled
a show of Finley's shortly after the Supreme Court decision.
Finley's
work was under attack from all sides during this time. Liberal critics
expected her to act as the poster child of the First Amendment, and
denigrated her for the consistency and elitism of her style and subject
matter; audiences expected her to be obscene, and were often disappointed;
conservatives sought to make her the pinup girl for perversity. Finley
describes part of her daily experience during the trials in A Different
Kind of Intimacy as follows: "One day in Nyack I picked up
the local Catholic church's Sunday bulletin, and there was a diatribe
against me. [...] The feeling of going to church, or getting into a
cab in a distant town, and seeing or hearing yourself being condemned,
is difficult to take."(22)
[page
202] After the NEA trials concluded, Finley moved to Los
Angeles, in an attempt to move beyond the trials and work on new subject
matter. In our April 2002 interview, she mentioned that she had been
"excommunicated by a bishop in Los Angeles"(23) because of
the controversy surrounding her work.(24) Clearly, the public condemnation
of her work which began in the late 1980's changed the content and form
of her future installations and performances. In the 1990's, as she
grew more distant from the Catholic Church as institution, Finley began
to create rituals for herself and others who had been displaced from
traditional forms of religious worship.
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